South Asia Analysis Group 


Paper no. 325

21. 09. 2001

  

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US-India relations: operation �infinite justice� in the common vision against �terrorism�

 by Dr. Rajesh Kumar Mishra

Outraged America has declared war on Osama bin Laden and his followers.  The fallout of September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks on New York and Washington can be worse in nature, if the perpetrators of terror in future are not deterred with punitive actions.  In the  past, the modus operandi of the preemptive attacks on terrorist groups or entities have been viewed differently by the affected states internationally.  The watershed in defining an act as "terrorist" has now been earnestly drawn when the US national peace and security face a direct and imminent threat of this menace.  The term "terrorism" looks still contested or underdeveloped as of its meaning and concept by the policymakers and scholars.  However, the unity of thought lies primarily with the anti-human and anti-civilisational results that it precipitates.

The intelligence evidence is claimed to converge on bin Laden as the prime suspect in the latest carnage.  The American action to follow has brought the South Asian region under sharp US strategic focus.  Pakistan with its long term collaboration with the so called Jehadis is at the frontal diplomatic link with the men who harbour and support this prime suspect.  The geo-political proximity of Pakistan with Afghanistan has, at present, provided Pakistan a chance to prove its "credibility" of the "long enduring" US-Pakistan relation at the time of the crisis.

It is generally believed in India that the possible US moves involving Pakistan could lead to backlash for the Americans in future if this moment of crisis is dealt singularly on its "national interest" perspective.  Al Qaida has widespread and worldwide connection with numerous fundamentalist groups in a loosely knit network.  To wipe out Al Qaida alone  can not therefore be the "only solution".  The present US commitment to smoke out the people and entities involved with Bin Laden will leave "others" unaffected to fight back the situational lull.

Indian Prime Minister has been noted saying that "America alone can determine whether it will address the symptom of terrorism or the system of terrorism".  Commenting over Musharraf�s recent remarks against Indian perception towards Pakistan, Indian Prime Minister has also indicated its probable bearing on future India-Pakistan confidence building dialogues with Pervez Musharraf.

Pervez Musharraf, on the other hand, has to perform on a tight rope with so much domestic and Afghani opposition for support to America.  He may require considerable compensatory provisions from the US to justify before his constituencies within and outside the country.  Kashmir might be essentially high in Islamabad�s agenda of future foreign policy review.  The relentless support for Jehadis in Kashmir by Pakistan has been an imminent source of threat to India.

Dynamics of such threat perceptions will become more complex if Pakistan comes out successfully with this crisis in hunting down the enemy of America.  This will not only restrengthen the long standing US-Pakistan ties that had its foundation in the cold-war period, US may provide several cold-war like concessions to Pakistan in future too. This, in turn, will affect peace and security in South Asia.

Possibilities Unknown:

American campaign and the international concern against terrorism has gained an unprecedented shape in the post cold war world order.  While the US is determined to hunt down and punish the perpetrators of September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks in America, it has yet not explained the nature of future course of action or the qualitative support that it requires from other concerned states round the globe.  Having said this, the fateful moment as "first war of the century against US", President Bush wants to draw clear distinction between those on the one hand, who are involved, harbour, support or encourage the terrorist subversions, and on the other, who can rally round the US government to fight against its enemy terrorist group(s) or country(ies).  The interest of the US is supreme, in any case, to lead the world by example.

As far as Indian national interest is concerned, it is now up to US to realise that how New Delhi has been struggling against and affected by the perpetrators of terrorism on the Indian soil since more than two decades.  Insecurities to India due to terrorism or proxy war are closely related to China-Pakistan nexus too.  Strategic and defence analysts are of the opinion that to bridge the asymmetry in conventional force with India Pakistan seeks nuclear and missile support from China.  Having confidence in its acquired "nuclear deterrence", Pakistan sustains a proxy war against India. 

To bring different facets of Pakistani involvement with the Jehadis has become a pertinent task for India, especially, when the concerted determination of the governments are uniting to fight against terrorism worldwide.  The world community has been facing a "wait and watch" situation.

In the global task to fight against the evils of terrorism, India wants to join the leadership of America, in accordance with the international consensus.  Some view the Indian eagerness to help Americans as �jumping before the gun� or �warm hands on cold shoulders�.  Such inferences are too early to be drawn.  However, India claims its commitment to join each country or international covenant that deals with the issues of terrorism.

Media reports suggest that Bush administration is all set now to go ahead with reprisal attacks very soon, probably in the next few days if not in weeks or months.  With the present given level of information and international communications, India can think on the following possible variables with underlying cautions in the order of preference, step by step:

* India may explore a reorientation in future India-US relations, especially, in the post cold-war world security-insecurity matrix.  The concept of security of the state should include terrorism as one of its essential defining elements.  Both the US and India may jointly react the common threat due to cross-border support to and supply of terrorism.

* The present US crisis should be seen not with much rhetoric, provided reciprocity of transparency in state behaviour is maintained.  In other words, India requires to neither criticise nor appreciate Pakistani involvement in US scheme of things disproportionately.  The veil of secrecy maintained by the US intelligence and so the administration do not leave enough scope to criticise enraged America, but delimiting the nature of reaction may remain always debatable.

* India may show strong willingness to wipe out the evils of terrorism in general and concentrate on to put forthright propositions for engagements leading to track down and eliminate the extremists who directly affect the Indian peace and tranquility.

* Selectively decided opinions should be weighed on cost-benefit analysis. India must maintain its credential of being a non-aligned state against ignorable odds.  Despite having close relations with the former Soviet Union, India had opposed its numerous international moves during the cold war and had sided with the US.  Similarly at various occasions, New Delhi had shown same level of opposition or resistance to US too.

* Overwhelmed situational response without waiting for international consensus on any given issue or situation may prove premature for India.

* Future response to American unilateral decisions can be judged rationally with past experience.  India could always try to become a partner in facing the international challenges than to just plunge into the American perspectives that lacks Indian sensitivity.

* There should not be short-term objective fulfillment for the sake of long term vital national interest.

* The principles of collective defence as " one for all or all for one" should be strengthened.

* India should firmly stand for its faith in International institutions and norms.

(For comments e-mail: [email protected] )

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